She received her A. She received her B. Professor Simas researches both voter and candidate behavior in U.
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One of her current areas of focus is the potential roles of stereotyping and modern sexism in recent presidential elections. She is in the midst of a large-scale project examining both male and female opposition to Hillary Clinton. Combining survey and experimental data, this project aims to better isolate the effects of gender bias, and to test whether these sentiments are exclusive to Clinton's background, or whether they extend to all female candidates. Thomas in Houston, Texas. His areas of academic specialization are democratization, elections, and security in contemporary Asia Pacific.
He has served as president of the American Association of Chinese Studies , and as coordinator of the Conference Group on Taiwan Studies — He has also served multiple terms as president of the Southwest Conference on Asian Studies. The Austin Community College Board oversees 11 campuses, serving approximately 55, students, and oversees a million dollar annual budget. Sean is a graduate of Stanford Law School, where he had the honor of delivering the Student Commencement address. He also earned a master's degree in Non-profit Management from the London School of Economics, and received his bachelor's degree in International Relations from Tufts University.
In addition there are less well-known groups, contemporary probashi emigrant in Ryiadh, Dubai, Rome and Lisbon Siddiqui , Knights , Mapril , as well as many Bengalis and Bangladeshis who have migrated, permanently or temporarily, to other parts of the world. A second type of overseas migration is the short term, labour migration, from several regions of Bangladesh both rural and urban , to the Middle East and Southeast Asian countries. In the case of Bangladesh, these trajectories have significantly changed the migration dynamics in the country.
It was in this context that other countries carried out similar programmes of recruitment of Bangladeshi workers such as South Korea, Malaysia and Thailand, among others. Finally, a fourth type of migration has as its destinations several Southern European countries. This is a migratory flow that began in the late s and has grown significantly in the last few decades to countries such as Italy, Spain, Portugal, Greece and Cyprus. Thus, international migration has become an important part of the contemporary Bangladeshi landscape and this is visible in distinct areas of social life, ranging from politics and economics to culture and media.
Firstly, several authors have researched the impact of international migration on Bangladesh, either focusing on financial remittances and economic development or on social remittances, religion and gender. The second strand looks at migration as a local and transnational experience, focusing on immigrants in the receiving contexts and exploring the changing links with Bangladesh. Gardner explores the impact of Londonis in Sylhet and the UK. She vividly shows how the transformation of economic and social relations in Sylhet due to the extensive migration to the UK, was manifested not only in the landscape itself the building of pucca houses , but also in kinship and gender relations, the management of the household and conceptions of Islam.
Siddiqui , on the other hand, focuses on another dimension of these transformations, namely the relation between labour migration and women in contemporary Bangladesh. Her objective has been to show how the transformation of migration dynamics in Bangladesh, associated with the restructuring of the global economy, was accompanied by the feminisation of overseas migration, especially to Middle Eastern and Southeast Asian countries.
More recently, Callan has shown how the integration of Sylhet in the global economy, through overseas migration, has transformed marriage patterns, which in turn, have had a deep impact on the health conditions of those involved.
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His objective was to show how Bangladeshis were increasingly engaged in British local and national, mainstream, political activities. Focusing on the fourth type of migration we identify, other researchers have shown the complexities of Bangladeshi contemporary immigration flows by researching lesser-known Bangladeshi communities in countries such as Italy Knights , Spain Zeitlyn and Portugal Mapril , , Kibria noted that the generational aspect of adherence to forms of revivalist Islam is more marked and institutionalised in the UK than it is in the US.
Gardner , for instance, showed how ageing among Sylheti elders in the UK revealed the complexities about the making of notions of home and belonging.
Images of home and away— desh and bidesh Gardner a —are continuously used by these elders to think about their place of belonging. Garbin , on the other hand, explored the ways Sylheti and British Bangladeshis built transnational social spaces between the UK and Sylhet.
His work focuses not only on the making of transnational kinship groups but also on the ways these translocal social fields allow the circulation of several forms of capital that are used differently according to context. Zeitlyn has shown how these transnational social spaces change and collapse notions of desh and bidesh and the discourses once associated with them, due to intensified global connections, communications and mobility.
Zeitlyn , explores the ways British Bangladeshi children learn notions of home and belonging between Bangladesh and the UK. He argues that the British Bangladeshi transnational social field, a transnational social space in which British Bangladeshis exchange and compete over different forms of capital and meaning, disrupts notions of desh and bidesh Zeitlyn Marriage migration is now one of the principal flows of people between Bangladesh and the UK, contributing to about a quarter of the increase in the British Bangladeshi population between and Zeitlyn Marriage is of course much more than a migration flow, cementing transnational relationships and exchanges for another generation.
Glynn presented a fascinating history of the role of East Pakistani Bengalis in the UK and their support for the Bangladeshi independence war. Alexander showed how British Bangladeshi secularists and Islamists, struggle for a normative representation of Bangladesh and how this relates to the racialisation of Bangladeshis in UK citizenship regimes. Eade and Eade and Garbin also focused on contemporary transnational political activism, the manipulation of Bengali cultural symbols, such as the Boishaki mela, and the making of a urban and political place for British-Bangladeshis in London.
This literature on transnational political activism unpacks the contested nature of the ways in which Bangladesh is imagined by its expatriates and their descendants and is an area that this special issue will further contribute to, with papers by Zeitlyn and Mapril.
Through an analysis of transnational and on-line political engagement, the paper identifies ways in which dominant discourses about Bangladesh are actively contested and resisted by diaspora communities and alternative discourses created. As we have seen in the previous section, contested narratives of these critical events cut to the heart of Bangladeshi politics and the story of its independence in These are, according to The Economist , improvements as dramatic in scale and timing as any seen elsewhere, ever.
The Economist cites four reasons for this success. It is the side of the paradox that has made Bangladesh synonymous with corruption and mismanagement.
It is this side which is most often seen and commented upon by a wide range of people with vested interests in Bangladesh. Their vision clouded by local or global politics, they only see the side of Bangladesh that they do not like.
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Hazra , writing in the Indian press, also described Bangladesh as being in a state of civil war, placing the blame firmly on the Jamaat-e-Islami and its student wing, Islami Chhatra Shibir. While there is a lot wrong in Bangladesh, there is also a lot to celebrate. The apparently chaotic nature of Bangladesh conceals some of the progress. NGOs have been considered more effective, efficient and less corrupt by donors than the state.
Anthropologists such as Gardner et al. NGOs are manifestations of soft power interventions in Bangladesh, beholden to international as well as local agendas.
The Bangladesh paradox does not only have two sides, but multiple layers, actors and scales. The authors explore how notions of development connect with competing ways of understanding Bangladesh, critiquing it and dreaming of what it might become. The notion of development is one where there is no common understanding about either the intended end goal or the right path.
Hussain and Gardner et al. The World Bank outlines the following five areas in which governance in Bangladesh has been relatively successful. Successive Bangladeshi governments have encouraged labour migration and encouraged remittances and investments, which the World Bank sees as a successful economic strategy. Official figures from the Bangladesh Central Bank indicate that remittances, through formal channels, were , US dollars in while in , they reached 7 billion US dollars Lewis ; see also Van Schendel which with different figures, reveals a similar trend.
Most of these overseas remittances come from the Middle East, and the largest single national source is Saudi Arabia, but significant flows also come from the US and the United Kingdom Lewis The state has also formed effective partnerships with NGOs and the private sector to deliver services. Gardner et al. Finally, the state has greatly increased its capacity to manage natural disasters World Bank However, recent industrial disasters in the garments industry in the Tazreen fire and Rana Plaza collapse suggest that although Bangladeshi governments may have increased their capacity to cope with natural disasters, further work needs to be done in the area of effective workplace safety and regulation.
Extrajudicial executions, torture and impunity for members of the security forces have long been problems in Bangladesh under both major democratic parties, as well as military governments HRW These problems become politicised when the security forces and judiciary are used to suppress opposition from rival parties and the press. Of course, when the security forces and judiciary act for the benefit of the nation and when they act for politically vested interests is an intensely debated matter.
Perspectives on the International Criminal Tribunal, Shahbagh and the events at Shapla Chottor on the 5th and 6th of May , as discussed by Zeitlyn, illustrate this. Some regard the ICT as the last part of the unfinished revolution of , important for closure of the wounds of the Liberation War. To others though, the tribunal is a sham, an act of political vengeance to destroy the political opposition to the ruling Awami League government. Is Yunus a worthy Nobel Prize winner, an iconic symbol of Bangladeshi innovation in the face of poverty, or a corrupt predatory capitalist? Recent elections in Bangladesh saw tensions running high, violent demonstrations and state repression of opposition groups and attacks against the press.
In the absence of a trusted media and judiciary, contested and competing narratives proliferate. As Lewis argues, Bangladesh itself is in many ways a marginal place, but it is one whose stock is rising. The diversity, complexity, agency, creativity and determination of Bangladeshis emerge here. The papers in this special issue contain a set of challenges, from the authors and many of the people they spoke to in the course of their research, to received wisdom on Bangladesh.